I can’t complain. This place is absolutely beautiful. British Columbia, Canada, is truly one of the most beautiful places on earth. Mountains, some still with a sprinkling of water, contrasted against water. Thick greenery covering the hillsides. It is quiet, serene, refreshing, and just does a soul good. I almost forgot that I’m here for a conference.
But anyway, I am addicted to the Internet and email, and in all fairness, I do have some work to do which does require access. They said that there’s free wifi in one of the lobbies, but I was struggling with it for about 20 minutes and ready to give up. I resigned myself to the fact that I would have to use back-up dial-up, if that worked. I found two numbers in this area code, but don’t know if they’re considered local or not. Plus, you are charged for each local call you make.
But then it worked. I got online, and my email appeared. And I am able to post on my blog, and not miss today. So I hope it continues working. Maybe it’s just a bit temperamental.
Anyway, the big news is the judge that Bush would like to put on the Supreme Court. He sounds like a real winner, and better suited to 16th century courts. Here’s an interesting post from TomPaine.com. As in Thomas Paine, who is famous for his “Give me liberty or give me death” speech circa 1776.
As we know, if Bush likes this man, then he is an ultra-reactionary when it comes to both common sense and women. I wonder what his view is on birth control? He has made it quite clear that he would like to roll back time to the days of back alley abortions, as though that’s going to make them go away. It always astounds me how minds like Bush (and perhaps his Supreme Court nominee) think that if you keep people ignorant (like abstinence only sex ed), and make contraceptives difficult or impossible to obtain, and make abortion a criminal offense, that will stop unwanted pregnancies. Sorry guys, but you know, we’ve been there, done that. Why not take the lead from nations who have reduced rates of unplanned pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases, by education and easily obtainable and effective birth control? And surprise surprise, but in countries where abortion is legal and even paid for by government insurance, the rates are lower than they are here. So accessibility and low cost/no cost, do not spur people into being careless.
Anyway, here’s the post. Hope it’s okay to repost it. I think it’s really important.
Dr. Wendy Chavkin is the chair of Physicians for Reproductive Choice and Health. She and other doctors who provided or facilitated abortions before Roe v. Wade share their experiences on a new website, www.voicesofchoice.org.
As much as the nomination of a new U.S. Supreme Court Justice is about individual rights and freedoms, it’s also about public health. Doctors across the country know that—but few know it as personally and profoundly as the physicians who provided or helped women gain access to abortions before Roe v. Wade .
Fourteen pre-Roe physicians issued a public statement recently, saying they fear the country will repeat “a dark chapter of its history” if Sandra Day O’Connor’s replacement opposes legal abortion—as Judge John Roberts apparently does. I am one of those 14 doctors.
I didn’t actually perform abortions before Roe v. Wade because I was still in college at the University of Chicago. But I supported a group called the Jane Collective—women who became trained by a physician to provide abortions themselves. I lent my apartment to the group.
Somebody would come to my door and say, “Jane would like to see you next Thursday. She’ll be here at 7:30 a.m.” That meant I should leave the apartment at 7:30; when I left, the person would say “Jane will be here until 7 p.m. tonight,” which meant that I shouldn’t come back until after that. While the Jane group had a remarkable safety record, I once came home after “Jane” had visited and found blood splatters on the walls.
I was young and unsophisticated, but I knew that nobody should be subjected to having a surgical procedure in someone’s apartment, and nobody should be in the position of trying to provide an urgently needed service without the right equipment and training. It’s one of the reasons I decided to become a doctor myself.
Since that time, I’ve talked with many doctors who practiced medicine before Roe v. Wade . Some of them provided abortions even though it was illegal, and many of them dealt with the consequences of illegal abortion. That’s why 14 of us are speaking out. We know what’s at stake. We can never forget what we saw when abortion was illegal, and we don’t want anyone to repeat this experience.
Before Roe v. Wade , emergency rooms, doctors’ offices and hospital wards were often full of women who had tried self-induced abortions or gotten unsterile, poorly performed abortions illegally. Some of these women ended up with severe infections or life-threatening hemorrhages. Some died, while others lived but would never be able to have children.
If a reconfigured Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, the consequences to women’s health would look different than before 1973—but they would still be serious. The advances of the last three decades, including medical abortion and emergency contraception, would likely change the landscape for women with unintended pregnancies if abortion was illegal. We’ve already heard anecdotal reports of women buying medical abortion pills online and taking it themselves without seeing a doctor.
However, overturning Roe v. Wade is not the sole strategy of anti-choice conservatives. They have imposed restrictions—like parental consent laws and mandatory delays—that chip away at reproductive health care. Rather than trying to ban abortion outright, they’ve made it increasingly difficult for doctors to provide abortion and for women to get the care they seek.
It’s a clever political strategy: satisfying the right-wing base by severely limiting access to abortion, without drawing a line in the sand against the nation’s pro-choice majority. But it’s bad medicine.
The web of restrictions on reproductive health care has grown increasingly complex in recent years. It may be difficult to get Judge Roberts to directly answer questions now about whether he thinks Roe v. Wade should stand—let alone what he thinks of certain abortion procedures, parental involvement requirements, laws that give rights to zygotes and fetuses, building regulations that target abortion clinics and the many other state and federal restrictions that impede women from getting necessary health care.
That’s why the question for Judge Roberts isn’t just whether he agrees with Roe v. Wade and specific restrictions. It’s whether he will put the health of the American public ahead of ideology. It’s whether, when faced with an abortion case that pits medical evidence against unsupported rhetoric, he will rule on the side of science and facts. It’s whether he will let doctors care for patients and treat reproductive health care just like every other area of medicine.
Judge Roberts has many critically important questions to answer before being confirmed. These are among the ones I’ll be listening for—along with my colleagues who know first-hand the disastrous consequences when politics trumps health care. We’ve lived in an America where women were put in the terrible position of forgoing standard medical care, and we don’t want anyone to live there again.
Dr. Wendy Chavkin is the chair of Physicians for Reproductive Choice and Health. She and other doctors who provided or facilitated abortions before Roe v. Wade share their experiences on a new website, www.voicesofchoice.org.
As much as the nomination of a new U.S. Supreme Court Justice is about individual rights and freedoms, it’s also about public health. Doctors across the country know that—but few know it as personally and profoundly as the physicians who provided or helped women gain access to abortions before Roe v. Wade .
Fourteen pre-Roe physicians issued a public statement recently, saying they fear the country will repeat “a dark chapter of its history” if Sandra Day O’Connor’s replacement opposes legal abortion—as Judge John Roberts apparently does. I am one of those 14 doctors.
I didn’t actually perform abortions before Roe v. Wade because I was still in college at the University of Chicago. But I supported a group called the Jane Collective—women who became trained by a physician to provide abortions themselves. I lent my apartment to the group.
Somebody would come to my door and say, “Jane would like to see you next Thursday. She’ll be here at 7:30 a.m.” That meant I should leave the apartment at 7:30; when I left, the person would say “Jane will be here until 7 p.m. tonight,” which meant that I shouldn’t come back until after that. While the Jane group had a remarkable safety record, I once came home after “Jane” had visited and found blood splatters on the walls.
I was young and unsophisticated, but I knew that nobody should be subjected to having a surgical procedure in someone’s apartment, and nobody should be in the position of trying to provide an urgently needed service without the right equipment and training. It’s one of the reasons I decided to become a doctor myself.
Since that time, I’ve talked with many doctors who practiced medicine before Roe v. Wade . Some of them provided abortions even though it was illegal, and many of them dealt with the consequences of illegal abortion. That’s why 14 of us are speaking out. We know what’s at stake. We can never forget what we saw when abortion was illegal, and we don’t want anyone to repeat this experience.
Before Roe v. Wade , emergency rooms, doctors’ offices and hospital wards were often full of women who had tried self-induced abortions or gotten unsterile, poorly performed abortions illegally. Some of these women ended up with severe infections or life-threatening hemorrhages. Some died, while others lived but would never be able to have children.
If a reconfigured Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade, the consequences to women’s health would look different than before 1973—but they would still be serious. The advances of the last three decades, including medical abortion and emergency contraception, would likely change the landscape for women with unintended pregnancies if abortion was illegal. We’ve already heard anecdotal reports of women buying medical abortion pills online and taking it themselves without seeing a doctor.
However, overturning Roe v. Wade is not the sole strategy of anti-choice conservatives. They have imposed restrictions—like parental consent laws and mandatory delays—that chip away at reproductive health care. Rather than trying to ban abortion outright, they’ve made it increasingly difficult for doctors to provide abortion and for women to get the care they seek.
It’s a clever political strategy: satisfying the right-wing base by severely limiting access to abortion, without drawing a line in the sand against the nation’s pro-choice majority. But it’s bad medicine.
The web of restrictions on reproductive health care has grown increasingly complex in recent years. It may be difficult to get Judge Roberts to directly answer questions now about whether he thinks Roe v. Wade should stand—let alone what he thinks of certain abortion procedures, parental involvement requirements, laws that give rights to zygotes and fetuses, building regulations that target abortion clinics and the many other state and federal restrictions that impede women from getting necessary health care.
That’s why the question for Judge Roberts isn’t just whether he agrees with Roe v. Wade and specific restrictions. It’s whether he will put the health of the American public ahead of ideology. It’s whether, when faced with an abortion case that pits medical evidence against unsupported rhetoric, he will rule on the side of science and facts. It’s whether he will let doctors care for patients and treat reproductive health care just like every other area of medicine.
Judge Roberts has many critically important questions to answer before being confirmed. These are among the ones I’ll be listening for—along with my colleagues who know first-hand the disastrous consequences when politics trumps health care. We’ve lived in an America where women were put in the terrible position of forgoing standard medical care, and we don’t want anyone to live there again.